Archive for July, 2008

The Great Brahminical Conspiracy – Part 1

Wednesday, July 30th, 2008

The UPA government survived the trust vote, and the farce on display would have put the best script writers to shame. The so-called Left voted along with the so-called Right in a ex-post futile attempt to topple a so-called Centrist government. Everyone was caught up in the drama, with horse-trading allegations, point and counter-points about the nuclear deal, and shifting loyalties. In this whole charade, yet again, glaring pointers to the Great Brahminical Conspiracy were ignored by all and sundry. All? No, not all. Mayawati, in her frustration, unknowingly made a reference to it when she said that the upper caste dominated parties had conspired to keep a Dalit woman from becoming the Prime Minister. Sadly, her remark was dismissed summarily without realizing that it struck at the core of a well-guarded secret. The Great Brahminical Conspiracy has managed to remain the best kept secret in Indian politics for over 80 years now. It is the subject of my doctoral dissertation at the University of Wyoming in Laramie, and as a conscientious student of political science, I think it is incumbent upon me to share this secret with everyone else.

So what is the Great Brahminical Conspiracy? Think about it. Almost all the Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers, Cabinet Ministers, and Presidents of this country have been from the brahmin caste. Is it not suspicious that in a country with a decently functioning democracy the ruling class is almost completely dominated by a community that makes up barely 10 percent of its population? Indeed, the Indian Right has been almost overtly brahminical in their ideology. One of the oft-repeated observations in intellectual circles in India is the fact that the top post of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has exclusively been held by brahmins, in fact almost exclusively Maharashtrian Chitpavan Brahmins.

What escapes attention is the fact that even the leadership of the Indian Left has been a brahminical hegemony. Look at the current Politburo or indeed Politburos over the years, and see if the proportion of brahmins is anywhere close to their proportion in the general population. Of course, this fact is never mentioned because the Left has successfully created the illusion that caste is irrelevant in their sphere of dominance. That caste is a non-issue in West Bengal and Kerala. It is all about class. And in that lies the germ of the driving philosophy of the great brahminical conspiracy. By creating an illusion of the irrelevance of caste, brahmins are free to dominate the Left, without really attracting the same charges of caste-ism as the Right does. H K Surjeet was the exception, but then he was not Hindu. Take him away and then examine the who’s who of the Indian Left and an ominous pattern starts to emerge.

Then there’s the Congress. Everyone talks about how it has been a one-dynasty party. That the Nehru-Gandhis are the royalty of the party, with a birthright to lead it. Fair enough. But is it just a coincidence that the dynasty (which should rightfully be called just the Nehru dynasty, for apart from the sperm donated by Feroze Gandhi, there is nothing non-Nehru about it) is also a brahmin dynasty? In the pre-British days, the only Hindus considered to have a birthright over governance were from the warrior Kshatriya caste (the one glaring exception being of course the Peshwas who, incidentally were from the same sub-caste as the RSS leadership). Now things have changed to such an extent that a brahmin family is considered the royal dynasty of India.

Brahmins thus dominate the leadership of all three major national-level political entities in India, despite the fact that ideologically speaking, they should dominate just one. Is it not peculiar that although Mahatma Gandhi, a member of the trader vaishya caste, almost singularly dominated the landscape of Indian politics through entirely non-violent means, and ushered in principles of equality, every major ideology in Indian politics is now dominated by brahmins? Of course, we have some supposed lower-caste politicians gaining prominence, like Mayawati, Lalu Yadav and Mulayam Singh. But they always play support roles and never call the shots. This is not just an accident, nor can it be fully explained by the “head start principle” (i.e. brahmins got a head start in education so they dominate all streams of ideology from the right to the left) over 6 decades after independence.

This brahminical dominance is the result of a well crafted strategy aimed at perpetuating the hegemony of a numerically insignificant community over a country of a billion “others”. When I elaborate on this strategy completely in subsequent parts, some of you might be tempted to dismiss it as a crackpot conspiracy theory. Some might even draw parallels to the idea of Knights Templar/Freemasons secretly ruling the world. But the evidence for the Great Brahminical Conspiracy is overwhelming. And this evidence is archival, historic as well as circumstantial in nature.

Before I conclude this post, let me leave you with some questions. When was the Communist Party of India formed? When was the RSS formed? When was V D Savarkar released from prison by the British? When did Jawaharlal Nehru start gaining prominence in the Congress Party? And finally, when did B R Ambedkar start his movement and gain prominence of threatening and competitive proportions? Remember or look up these dates, and you will be more prepared for my subsequent posts.

Pyotr Periyar Pandey is a PhD Candidate in the Political Science Department at the University of Wyoming in Laramie. He is working on his dissertation titled “The Great Brahminical Conspiracy: An Investigation into the Antecedents of the Hegemony of a Numerically Insignificant Community over the Polity of the Diverse Indian Nation”. He can be contacted at pyotr.periyar@pandey.ru

The Raja-mandala Re-centred

Tuesday, July 15th, 2008

In view of the current controversies pertaining to the projection of power (Part 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5), it is necessary to examine this concept closely. The semiotics of international power dynamics are complicated. We are fortunate that the controversy on the projection of power erupted at the same time that a mainstream cultural artefact which adequately metaphoricalises this concept was released into the mainstream.

The cultural artefact is in fact the Hindi movie Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na. While on the surface it appears to be a simple teenage romance, closer examination reveals it to be a profound parable on the nature of power projection. The movie is remarkable in the breadth of geostrategic concepts it examines, and also for the subtlety of its metaphors.

The lead characters in the motion picture are named Jai and Aditi. Jai is a derivation of जय, or victory; and Aditi is the Infinite, or the limitless goddess. The love story of Jai and Aditi therefore represents the fact that there are unlimited paths to victory, or greatness. If however we invert our perspectives and use a classical Marxist reading, it may also represent the fact that comprehensive victory requires the prime mover (कर्ता) to make the most of an unlimited number of challenges and opportunities. Both these interpretations are consistent with a Realist approach to international affairs.

The supporting characters are also a hat-tip to the various paths to establishing national greatness, as they are named Bombs (signifying the importance of military prowess), Jignesh (signifying the necessity for the pursuit of knowledge and R&D), Ravindran (a nod to a robust energy policy), and Shaleen (again, a nod to energy policy).

The semiotic significance of the names is however not as important as of the plotline itself, which explores a startling number of geostrategy and international relations concepts. Most important of these concepts is the raja-mandala (राज मंडल), or strategy for the control of opposing tensions. The Chalukya king Pulakesin II performed the most exemplary execution of this strategy in South Asian history, expanding along the contours of the mandala – first eastwards into Konkan, then northwards into the Gangetic Plain, then east into Kalinga, and finally established dominance over Kanjeevaram and the Pallavas. Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na updates raja-mandala for the twenty-first century, and skillfully compresses the exposition of this complex strategy into a three hour movie (including songs).

When we trace the path of conflict through the motion picture, the expression of the raja-mandala concept becomes clear. We are presented with conflict almost as soon as the movie begins, as the narrators describe how Jai defuses a conflict situation without resorting to violence – a metaphor for how a nation projects power not necessarily through its own military, but also through diplomacy and the threat of military retaliation from allies and international bodies – represented here as parental discipline from a college trustee.

The next conflict depicted in the picture shows Jai exposed to a conflict situation at a disco where two burly cowboys are harassing a lady. Once again, Jai’s approach to this situation is not direct violence, but a subterfuge where he warns the cowboys with a foul disease if they continue on their course of action. This too, represents a projection of power without direct military engagement – except that in this case the lever used is not the stick of retaliatory attacks from allies, but the carrot of resources – soft power, in other words.

Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na also contains warnings against the improper application of force. The scene in which Jai and Savitri face off against Inspector Waghmare at the police station and accomplish nothing except earning Waghmare’s enmity is a scathing indictment of Operation Parakram, which had no beneficial results and terrible costs on morale, personnel, and the exchequer.

The third conflict is Jai’s violent engagement with Sushant, where they come to blows. Here the movie takes an unambiguous stand that violence and military force is a crucial component of the toolkit of power projection, and that the selective and direct application of force is sometimes unavoidable in the pursuit of national interest. It is not pretty – as evinced by the ugly bruises on Jai’s face – but it is necessary.

Prior to the final play of the Raja-Mandala, Jai faces his greatest challenge. Having almost completed the raja-mandala, he now finds himself thrown into jail by Waghmare, and in danger of losing everything. Two vital geostrategic concepts are now brought out. Firstly, his incarceration at the crucial moment demonstrates the dangers of over-extending one’s strategic reach – lessons learnt by Napoleon at Russia and Israel after the Six-Day War. Secondly, the fact that he is released through the intervention of his former adversaries – the urban cowboys – brings out the oft-quoted but poorly understood dictum that there are no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. Again, another tool is brought out from the power projection toolkit – this time, it is the threat of total annihilation. Twentieth century parallels include South Africa and Libya’s abandonment of their nuclear weapon programs.

Having established complete supremacy over all his adversaries, Jai is now in a position to complete his circuit of the raja-mandala, and expolit the limitless opportunities this opens up, by confessing his love to Aditi. Having successfully projected power, all obstacles now vanish, and he is able to bend the strategic contours of the situation to his own purposes. A transportation strike which leaves others without means of conveyance only means that Jai has an empty road to himself, all the way from Horniman Circle to Sahar Airport; and so can gallop to his destination without facing traffic jams.

In the climactic moments of the movie, Jai completes the raja-mandala by facing an entirely new set of adversaries – airport security. He tackles these by hiding in X-ray machines, jumping over obstacles, and running fast – the parallels to rapid decision making, special military operations, and espionage as tools of foreign policy are obvious, though muted.

Indeed, the four adversaries which Jai encounters on his raja-mandala are themselves parallels for the various rivals a nation state will encounter. The lout at the beginning of the movie who is overcome with the threat of violence from a third party represents rogue states such as Indonesia during the Konfrontasi with Malaysia, resolved through the intercession of Great Britain. The cowboys represent a superpower throwing its weight about, but which can be reined in through skilful negotiations and economic transactions.

Sushant stands for aggressively expansionist states such as Nazi Germany or Spain under the Philip II, where military confrontation is the only possible response. Finally, the rapid action security team at the airport represents the emerging threat of non-state actors – terrorist groups, who can be combated only through special operations, and under a new paradigm.

Although it will require three hours on the part of the viewer, Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na makes the fundamental principles of international relations evident to even the meanest intelligence. Abbas Tyrewala must be commended for creating such a remarkable beginner’s text on foreign policy.

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The author is a post-doctoral fellow of Semiotics in Popular Culture and Politics at the Università degli Studi di Parma and is also a visting consultant at the International Foundation for the Promotion of National Greatness. He can be contacted at boris.bhartriraj@pandey.ru.

Здравствуйте world!

Monday, July 7th, 2008

Здравствуйте! This is the blog of the Pandey family of St. Petersburg. We are Dr. Acharya Somuchidononanda Pandey, Dr. Valentina Demetrieva Pandey, and their twenty two children. We hope to have many fruitful academic interactions with you over the coming years.